Institutional changes in industrial relations remain minimal as a result of two factors. First, partnership and confidence between labour and management, which have developed steadily over many years, remain firm in the 1990s. This is the base of the Japanese corporate system, which forms a quasi-community for employees. Here, the accepted idea is that lay-offs only occur in marginal enterprises suffering persistent poor performance. Lay-offs, which are common practice in the United States, basically do not occur in Japanese companies. Second, Japanese employment and wage systems are not rigid by any means, contrary to what many observers erroneously report. The internal labour market of a Japanese corporation, and the quasi-internal labour market including its affiliates, provide for employment adjustment based on moving workers to different jobs, training/relocation, and restraints on recruitment. Therefore, the mobility of the workforces is considerable. The pay system featuring seniority, which is not directly related to job type, serves to facilitate the mobility of labour within the corporation. This makes it unnecessary for corporate management to resort to lay-off, so that normal practice is to retain employees.
The social consensus and information sharing leading to wage determination through the spring labour offensive helped the Japanese economy recover from rampant inflation in the aftermath of the oil crises in the 1970s, because of its wage moderation effect. In the current serious recession and the deflationary pressures on the Japanese economy, the spring labour offensive serves to slow the deflationary spiral caused by the worsening employment situation and the decline in wage levels. The approach helps adapt wage levels to fluctuations in the economy and to inflation or deflation, and acts as a built-in stabilizer.
In the context of continuing economic problems, there is a tendency to favour public policies and corporate management practices based on the new market doctrine. There is also a school of thought that relates the causes of Japan's economic stagnation to the traditional practice of retaining workers and using a largely equitable pay system. Advocates of market principles argue for enhancing flexibility by making lay-offs much easier, and by attaching more importance to the external labour market. Since 1997, there have been moves towards expanding temporary staffing schemes and promoting job-placement agencies in the private sector. Recent revisions of the Labour Standards Law allow more scope for fixed-term employment contracts. Trade unions have launched campaigns against these moves, which have resulted in some restrictions on implementing the revised provisions.
Under the tightening budgetary constraints, initiatives to reduce social welfare, pensions and health care benefits have become highly controversial issues.
Holding companies, previously very restricted by anti-trust considerations, are generally permitted to divest operations into separate corporate entities, or reorganize themselves and their affiliates into industry groups. These developments have caused some concern that the effectiveness of collective bargaining at company level might decrease with the globalization of corporate management.
On the supply side of labour, too, several factors have emerged to facilitate these changes. The employment of women and older people is increasing and since these workers show a strong tendency to opt for part-time jobs, they help diversify employment forms and working conditions. They also help develop changes in the traditional wage structure based on full-time workers and thus reduce wage discrepancies.
No social force is overtly hostile to trade unions in Japan. However,
the market approach seems to be gaining influence, even though
unemployment is rising and widening wage discrepancies are observed in
some sectors. Also, for corporate management, a tendency towards
short-termism
is observed. This approach looks for short-term
returns on investment and respects fast decisions on business options,
rather than attaching importance to long-term, stable employment and
business success.
Rengo defends long-term employment and stable wages. It also attaches importance to expanding individual union members' options in their working style, increasing union involvement in human resources development, and fair positioning of staff. Rengo has drawn up guidelines for the growing new workforce with its higher mobility and part-time workers. The guidelines propose assuring workers' right to subscribe to social insurance schemes, and the right to fair treatment. These efforts are in line with Rengo's policy of increasing trade union representation at workshops.
A joint study between Rengo and DGB on The future of work
,
published in September 1997, touched upon this point.1 The study states: in the working and
employment systems, long-term, stable employment for regular workers
must be placed in their core. Long-term, stable employment of regular
workers can assure a labour system that combines contemporary
technological innovations with human skills. Namely, it can help
provide effective future-oriented training schemes that enable to
supply high performance labour, or required skills. High performance
labour can not be materialized under short-term, unstable
employment. Also, for short-term employment, fair wages and working
conditions must be assured.
A campaign against the doctrine claiming market principles are
best
is expressly stated as the basis of Rengo's policy for 1997
to 1999. This position is geared to Rengo's social strategy of a
sustainable welfare society
built in the long-term interest of
people living on their salaries.
Rengo Rials has presented its concept of future society. The research
institute has provided two social models, in which Rials affirms that
society in the 21st century will have to choose between two options:
one is individualism or the almighty market
, and the other is
respect for individuals and social solidarity
.2 The second model is presented as the basic
concept of the welfare socio-economic model
which is a
sustainable system.3 This
concept looks at inter-dependence between the social system and the
market system, and aims to achieve the optimal balance between
economic success and social welfare. This is a kind of
macro-socioeconomic model that makes the best use of market forces
within a framework of the development of human abilities and welfare
as a social foundation, participatory democracy and guidance in
macroeconomic policies.
Rengo Rials has also examined competitiveness for business enterprises
facing fierce international competition, and it proposes a
competitiveness model compatible with social progress
. This
model is set against the behaviour of corporations which seek to
exploit low-wage workers employed on short-term contracts. Such
companies readily dismiss employees and transfer their operations from
one place to another, seeking the least expensive location. This is
the low-road approach
leading to lower wages and lower
productivity. This direction emphasizes shareholders' interests, looks
at return on equity as the sole criterion for successful management,
and disregards job security and the social aspects of corporate
activities. Managers often try to undermine the effectiveness of
government policy, evade public responsibilities, or deny trade
unions. This can be described as the competitiveness for
shareholders
model. Against this, Rengo Rials has proposed the
competitiveness for stakeholders
model.4 This is based on long-term employment, better use of
innovations in corporate organization and technology, highly skilled
workers and the benefits of industrial democracy, including
labour/management consultation. All these elements provide flexibility
for an industry or business enterprise. This model is based on the
traditional Japanese employment system which was established as a
sustainable social compromise arising from the fierce industrial
conflicts of the early post-war labour movement in Japan. It can be
described as a Japanese version of the high-road approach
,
reflecting a belief in high skills/high reliability/high quality/high
productivity. This model was an important theme in an international
symposium held in December 1997 in commemoration of the tenth
anniversary of Rengo Rials.5
Japan sees many discussions on corporate governance. In the business world, some argue for new regulations on company management and corporate structure in order to further promote shareholders' capitalism: Rengo criticizes these efforts. Rengo is preparing its campaign strategy for the 21st century, aiming at a realistic and desirable model of social and economic progress.
1Rengo/DGB: Future of work,
future of social welfare state, future of
trade unions, 25 September 1997, Tokyo.
2Rials: Future tense of happiness, Rengo Research Institute Report No. 6, 1996.
3Rials: Towards a welfare society, market and social solidarity in 21st Century Japan, Rengo Research Institute Report No. 7, 1998.
4Inoue, S.; Suzuki, F.: The high road approach in the Japanese context: The stakeholders' agenda for the coming century, Rengo Research Institute Report No. 7, 1998.
5Inoue, S.: Meanings and main points of the International Symposium by Rials, Rengo Research Institute Report No. 8, 1998.