Date: Thu, 8 Jul 1999 22:58:34 -0400
Message-Id:
<Pine.LNX.4.04.9907071303060.2423-100000@milan.essential.org>
Sender: stop-imf@essential.org
From: Robert Weissman <rob@essential.org>
To: Multiple recipients of list STOP-IMF
<stop-imf@essential.org>
Subject: Let's revisit Asia's ‘Crony Capitalism’ (fwd)
After all the endless mouthing off in the pages of the
English-language business press about East Asia's crony
capitalism,
the lack of transparency
in Asian stock
exchanges, the no pain, no gain
logic of the International
Monetary Fund and how the Asian economic challenge to Anglo American
capitalism had fizzled, we now know that none of these things had
anything to do with the Asian--now global--economic crisis. Addressing
what did cause the crisis is the main business of the leaders of the
countries of East Asia as they reflect on what has happened to them
over the past two years. If they ignore this question and pretend that
the road is still open to globalization
in the Pacific, they
risk being repudiated by their own people.
Here's the new explanation as it is developing in seminar rooms from Seoul to Kuala Lumpur to Beijing.
With the end of the Cold War, the United States decided it had to launch a rollback operation in East Asia if it was to maintain its global hegemony. The high-growth economies of East Asia had become the main challengers to American power in the region, and it was time they were brought to heel.
The campaign worked in two phases. First, a major ideological barrage
was launched to soften up the Asians. The Americans mobilized famous
professors of economics from their universities, who never once faced
a market force
in their own lives, to preach the beauties of
globalization; in this case meaning American economic
institutions. These include total laissez faire, destruction of unions
and social safety nets, staffing of regulatory agencies with retired
financiers, indifference to the pay differentials between CEOs and the
ordinary labor force, moving manufacturing to low-wage areas
regardless of the social costs and totally unregulated flows of
capital in and out of any and all economies. Ever since the Asia
Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in 1993, the Americans hammered
home to the Asians that they needed to open up
their economies
in these ways.
Then came phase two. Once the Asian economies had begun to
deregulate
and were standing in the world marketplace more or
less naked, the hedge funds
were let loose on them. These funds
are actually huge concentrations of capital owned by very wealthy
Western white men, who manipulate bewilderingly complex financial
instruments called derivatives.
They usually locate their
offices in offshore tax havens like the Cayman Islands and do
everything in their power to avoid regulators or tax collectors in the
so-called free market democracies. The funds easily raped Thailand,
Indonesia and South Korea and then turned the shivering survivors over
to the IMF, not to help the victims but to ensure that no Western bank
was stuck with nonperforming
loans in the devastated
countries. The IMF is also the U.S. government's chosen instrument for
reforming
these countries to make them look more like New York.
The Americans suspected that all this might cause some trouble. On
March 4, 1998, Adm. Joseph Prueher, then commander in chief of
American military forces located in East Asia and today the
U.S. ambassador-designate to China, testified before Congress that the
U.S. military was on alert for early signs of instability
in
East Asia, including labor disputes.
The Indonesian armed
forces, whom Prueher's special forces had been training for years, got
rid of Suharto when it seemed necessary. The Indonesian troops killed
about 1,200 shopkeepers and raped more than 150 Chinese women doing
so.
But then it all got a bit out of hand. One of the biggest hedge funds proved to be so greedy that the U.S. government had to organize a bailout for it, which brought the scheme out into the open. David Mullins, a former deputy to Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, had gone straight to work for the Long-Term Capital Management fund after he left the Fed in 1994. Had this not been the case, it's unlikely that the Federal Reserve Bank of New York would have arranged a $ 3.5-billion rescue package for the hedge fund. The incestuous relationship between Washington and Wall Street--what Columbia University economist Jagdish Bhagwati calls the Wall Street-Treasury complex--made East Asia's crony capitalism look tame.
The weakened economies of East Asia also could not continue to buy the
weapons the Pentagon wanted to sell them, and some began to have
second thoughts about paying to keep U.S. Marines (a.k.a. the Hedge
Fund Protective Corps) in their countries. Globalization was
discredited as a crooked financier's scam. The Chinese never looked so
clever as they did in keeping out of the World Trade Organization as
did the Japanese when they more or less ignored the pleas for
reform
from Washington.
These issues came to a head in Kuala Lumpur in November 1998. The U.S.
trade representative, Charlene Barshefsky, accused the Japanese of
offering $ 30 billion in aid to the stricken countries of East Asia as
a way of buying their votes against further market-opening
measures. The Japanese foreign ministry responded that the
U.S. government was possessed by an evil spirit,
a phrase
painfully close to the evil empire epithet that former President
Reagan used against the Soviet Union. Vice President Al Gore then
gave a speech in the Malaysian capital, denouncing its head of state
for trying to protect his country from international speculators and
calling on the people of Malaysia to overthrow him. After that, APEC
no longer had a future worth speaking of.
The Americans do not seem to understand that their message of free trade and market economics is in serious disrepute. Wall Street itself now looks like the ancestral home of crony capitalism.