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Date: Mon, 16 Aug 1999 23:20:28 -0500 (CDT)
From: Michael Eisenscher <meisenscher@igc.org>
Subject: Passing of Labor's Cold Warrier
Article: 72849
Message-ID: <bulk.20299.19990819121513@chumbly.math.missouri.edu>
Lane Kirkland, Former A.F.L-C.I.O. Head, Dies at 77
By William Serrin, New York Times, 15 August 1999
Lane Kirkland, who was president of
the A.F.L.-C.I.O. from 1979 to
1995, a troubled period for American
workers, and who resigned after an
angry revolt of union presidents, died
yesterday morning at his home in
Washington.
He was 77.
The cause of death was lung cancer,
said his wife, Irena Kirkland.
Together, Kirkland and George Meany,
his predecessor as president of the
A.F.L.-C.I.O. and his longtime friend
and mentor, led the American labor
movement for nearly 45 years.
While Kirkland was serving almost 16
years as president of the labor
federation, the American economy and
the workplace experienced drastic
change. Plants closed, jobs were lost,
union membership shrank and union
importance diminished. The growing
concern for labor's future in the
United States, which contributed to
Kirkland's downfall, contrasted with
its relatively powerful influence
abroad, an influence that Kirkland
helped to foster.
Kirkland was an ardent anti-Communist
who was proud of his organization's
efforts to assist the Solidarity
movement in bringing democracy to
Poland by any means it could. During
the 1970's and 80's, he worked
tirelessly to help Solidarity topple
the Communist government,
surreptitiously channeling
organization money and fax machines to
the movement led by Lech Walesa.
"The success of Solidarity owes a lot
to Lane," said Henry A. Kissinger, a
close friend of Kirkland. "He
supported it with funds and
organizers, and he had a big effect on
American policy makers."
But leaders of several big unions
forced him from office, saying that he
lacked the same intense interest when
it came to energizing American workers
and winning them over to trade
unionism.
Although the A.F.L.-C.I.O. has become
more vigorous since Kirkland's
resignation, it remains unclear
whether the American labor movement
can ever recapture its former power.
When Kirkland assumed office, 24
percent of the workers in the United
States belonged to unions. When he
resigned, the figure was 15.5 percent.
Today, it is 13.9 percent.
Joseph Lane Kirkland -- everyone
called him Lane -- was born on March
12, 1922, in Camden, S.C., the son of
Randolph Withers Kirkland, a cotton
buyer, and the former Louise
Richardson. A great-great-grandfather,
Thomas Jefferson Withers, had signed
the Confederate declaration of
secession, and Kirkland often referred
to the Civil War as the "War of
Northern Aggression."
Kirkland was raised in Newberry, S.C.,
where he attended public schools, and
where many of his classmates were sons
and daughters of mill workers. "They'd
leave school to work in the mills, and
conditions were rather bad," he once
told The Washington Post. "If they'd
fire a guy, he'd lose his house; he'd
lose everything. There's no better way
to get an education in becoming
liberal than to be exposed to those
sorts of things."
Before the United States entered World
War II, Kirkland unsuccessfully tried
to join the Canadian military. In
1940, he became a cadet on the S.S.
Liberator, a merchant marine ship. The
following year, he entered the United
States Merchant Marine Academy. Upon
graduation in 1942, he served as a
chief mate aboard American ships
transporting war matriel, sailing to
South America, the beachheads at
Sicily and Anzio, and the Solomon
Islands in the Pacific. Since then, he
kept his membership in the Masters,
Mates, and Pilots Union.
After the war, Kirkland entered the
School of Foreign Service at
Georgetown University, graduating in
1948. He then worked as a researcher
with the American Federation of Labor,
becoming a specialist on pensions and
Social Security. A skilled writer, he
was on loan in 1948 to the Democratic
Party to write speeches for Alben W.
Barkley, President Harry S. Truman's
running mate. In 1952 and 1956 he
wrote campaign speeches for Adlai E.
Stevenson, the Democratic Presidential
candidate.
He always impressed Meany, who had
become president of the A.F.L. in 1952
and of the A.F.L.-C.I.O. in 1955 when
the labor federation merged with the
Congress of Industrial Organizations.
In 1958, Kirkland became director of
research and education for the
International Union of Operating
Engineers, but in 1960 he returned to
the labor federation as Meany's
executive assistant. He directed the
organization's daily operations and
often represented it on Capitol Hill
and at the White House.
Always seeking accommodation, he
helped resolve jurisdictional disputes
among the federation's unions -- then
a difficult problem in labor -- and
helped to settle the mass-transit
strike in New York City in 1966. He
pushed strongly for a fair employment
practices provision in the 1964 Civil
Rights Act.
In May 1969, Meany selected Kirkland
to be secretary-treasurer, the No. 2
position in the organization. His
opposition to the policies of the
Nixon Administration earned him a
place on the President's notorious
"enemies list."
Kirkland continued his intense
interest in international affairs,
maintaining that they were too
important to be left to "a tight
incestuous breed of economists and
diplomats." He strongly supported
American involvement in the Vietnam
War and was instrumental in the
A.F.L.-C.I.O.'s refusal to support
Senator George S. McGovern as the
Democratic candidate for President in
1972. In 1976 he was a founder of the
Committee on the Present Danger, which
demanded larger military budgets to
confront the Soviet Union.
In the 1970's, as Meany's health
declined, Kirkland often ran the labor
organization. In September 1979,
Meany, then 85, announced his
retirement, and in November Kirkland
was named president even though he
remained remote to many union members.
In his acceptance speech Kirkland set
a tone for his administration, making
clear, in his tart manner, the
importance that he placed on getting
nonaffiliated unions to join the
A.F.L.-C.I.O. He said "all sinners
belong in the church" and unaffiliated
unions should renounce "petty personal
or pecuniary considerations, or
ancient and tedious grudges." He
regarded as his biggest achievement
persuading the auto workers, the mine
workers, the longshoremen and
warehousemen, and the teamsters to
join or rejoin the A.F.L.-C.I.O.
Kirkland was proud of other changes
under his leadership. He placed the
first woman on the labor
organization's executive council and
increased the participation of blacks
and Hispanics. He agreed to establish
an institute to train new organizers.
He also continued the A.F.L.-C.I.O.'s
vast foreign operations in Europe,
Africa, South America and Asia.
But huge problems emerged with his
leadership.
Kirkland was, as is said in the
garment trades, an inside guy, not an
outside guy. He often seemed detached,
sometimes arrogant, incapable of
banter or pleasantries. He was given
to withering ripostes, and seemed to
detest the news media, often refusing
interviews and requests to appear on
television, even on Labor Day, saying
he found it demeaning. He said
reporters should periodically be
condemned to their morgues to read
their clippings, an exercise he
believed would show the shallowness
and inaccuracy of much of journalism.
Critics said that Kirkland spent too
much time on international affairs and
not enough time on domestic concerns
and that he linked American labor too
frequently with conservative unions in
foreign countries. They also
maintained that in its foreign policy,
Kirkland's organization too often
allied itself with American
corporations. In 1993, when Congress
debated a bill to ban permanent
replacement workers, Kirkland was in
Europe. The A.F.L.-C.I.O. spent more
money on international affairs than on
organizing, civil rights and workers'
health and safety.
At the same time, fundamental change
was occurring in the American economy.
In the 1980's, one industrial plant
after another closed, and whole
communities were in distress. The
service economy, with little union
organization, expanded. Jobs were lost
to new processes and foreign
competition. Strike after strike was
lost, including one by the air traffic
controllers in 1981, and labor
suffered numerous defeats in Congress,
including its failure in 1993 to block
passage of the North American Free
Trade Agreement, which unions opposed
because of a concern over losing jobs
in the United States. In 1994,
Republicans won control of the House
and the Senate for the first time in
four decades.
Through all of this, organized labor
failed to expand its membership, and
Kirkland's critics in the union
movement said he lacked the vision to
reverse the slide.
In early 1995, an open revolt broke
out, a remarkable event for labor
unions, whose culture stresses
loyalty, discipline and the private
settlement of problems. Not since John
L. Lewis and others left the A.F.L. in
1935 to form what became the C.I.O.
had such a raucous, public fight
occurred in American unionism.
The revolt was led by Gerald McEntee,
president of the municipal workers;
John J. Sweeney, then president of
service employees; Richard Trumka,
then president of the mine workers;
and Ronald Carey, then president of
the teamsters.
McEntee doggedly engaged Kirkland in
debates. Union leaders, acting
anonymously, condemned Kirkland in
statements to reporters and he was
criticized at a February 1995
executive council meeting in Bal
Harbour, Fla.
Sweeney twice asked Kirkland to
retire. He knew that President Clinton
had offered Kirkland the
ambassadorship to Poland, and he
suggested that the union leader accept
it and make way for new leadership.
But Kirkland, always a stubborn man,
refused to step aside.
In June that year, with presidents of
some 20 unions opposing him, Kirkland
said he would resign in August,
becoming the only president in the
American Federation of Labor's history
to be forced to step down in this
century. Thomas R. Donahue, the
A.F.L-C.I.O.'s secretary-treasurer,
and Kirkland's choice to be his
successor, announced his candidacy for
the presidency. But in October,
Sweeney, the leader of an opposition
slate, defeated Donahue.
After his resignation, Kirkland was
rarely in the pubic eye. He never
forgot or forgave Sweeney and the
other insurrectionists, saying that
they engaged in "mendacity and
falsehood." He said the labor movement
had always had difficulties, given its
many enemies, but was built for "heavy
weather." And he took pride in the
fall of the Soviet Union and the end
of the cold war, believing that he and
the A.F.L.-C.I.O. had helped bring it
about.
Kirkland was also awarded the
Presidential Medal of Freedom.
Survivors include Kirkland's wife, the
former Irena Neumann, a German
concentration camp survivor whom he
married in 1973, and five children
from his first marriage, to Edith
Draper Hollyday, which ended in
divorce in 1972.
The children are Blair Hollyday, Lucy
Alexander, Louise Richardson, Edith
Hollyday and Katharine, all of whom
live in the Washington area.
He is also survived by five
grandchildren and two great
grandchildren.
Kirkland had broad interests that
included gardening, gin rummy, wine,
jazz, modern art, archeology and
hieroglyphics. He was a constant
smoker, and a trademark, along with a
sharp tongue, was a long, yellowed
holder with a burning cigarette.
In scores of articles about him over
20 years, only one, in 1984 in The
Washington Post, showed him at ease.
He was portrayed in his home, in
Washington, playing "Amazing Grace" on
his Marine Band harmonica, in the
manner of a sailor at sea, with his
dachshund Stanley howling in delighted
accompaniment.
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