Date: Tue, 6 Apr 1999 04:18:31 -0700 (PDT)
From: Art McGee <amcgee@igc.org>
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Subject: [BRC-NEWS] Thurgood Marshall and the FBI
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http://www.intellectualcapital.com/issues/issue66/item1228.asp
Now Tony Mauro of USA Today reports that 1,300 pages of FBI files
obtained pursuant to the Freedom of Information Act show that
Marshall, too, actively cooperated with the Bureau. According to one
1961 memo in the files, Marshall conferred with the Bureau on
several occasions in connection with his efforts to combat communist
efforts to infiltrate the NAACP.
Another file suggests that he
warned the Bureau that the NAACP was about to pass a resolution
critical of the U.S. Justice Department. Another suggests that he
told the FBI about a faction of the North Carolina NAACP that
advocated violent resistance to racial oppression.
First, it must be remembered that the files in question are not necessarily accurate. They are raw documents that indicate what FBI officials memorialized. Sometimes agents are misinformed, make mistakes, pander to the perceived wishes of their bosses. More research will have to be done to determine the reliability of the files. It must be remembered, too, that the FBI is the agency handing over the files. Perhaps there are some items that the agency has declined to make public.
Second, assuming the files to be accurate, one must recall the context of the 1950s, a period dominated politically by the Cold War. In every sector of American society, leading individuals and organizations attempted to neutralize the communist movement. Like the ACLU, the NAACP formally excluded communists from its ranks.
The barring and purging of communists stemmed from a variety of
motivations. The most urgent was self-protection; Marshall wanted to
insulate the NAACP from the whirlwind of anti-communist feeling that
swept the country. Fighting white supremacy was tough enough without
facing the threat of being stigmatized as red
or pink.
That this tack was prudent is difficult to dispute. At the same time
that the federal judiciary countenanced the virtual outlawing of the
Communist Party, it protected the organizational privacy of the NAACP.
The anti-communism of Marshall and the NAACP was also fueled by other
concerns. One was a sense of bitter rivalry; Marshall &
Co. perceived themselves to be locked in a competition with the
Communist Party for the hearts and minds of American blacks. Another
was disgust at the willingness of the communists to exploit the
oppression and anger of blacks for their own purposes. Marshall felt
this especially keenly because a favorite organizing tool of the
Communist Party were court cases featuring black defendants subjected
to white supremacist justice.
Another basis of Marshall's
anti-communism had to do with his deeply felt allegiance to the
existing American social order. Marshall was no revolutionary. He was
a moderate reformer seeking simply to make the status quo accessible
to African Americans.
All of these considerations also explain why it would be unsurprising
to me if documents revealed that, on occasion, Marshall passed on to
the FBI information about persons within the civil rights community
whom he believed to be prone to actions, particularly any resort to
violence, that might seriously besmirch the reputation of that
community. Skeptical of the non-violent civil disobedience of Martin
Luther King, Jr., Marshall detested the volatile rhetoric and militant
posturing of Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael and the Black
Panthers. (One of Marshall's favorite items in his chambers was a
cartoon from Jet magazine showing him about to slam a gavel down upon
some unkempt persons labeled as black power militants.
) I would
think, then, that in Marshall's view, informing the FBI of readily
accessible information about misguided agitators was merely a harmless
ploy that reinforced the overall aim to which he dedicated himself
tirelessly as an attorney: the advancement of colored people.
Some of those reacting to the disclosure of Marshall's secret
relationship with the FBI have gone to some lengths to rebut the
unspoken but hovering question: Did the great Thurgood Marshall
play ball
with the racist and otherwise contemptible J. Edgar
Hoover partly in order to grease the way for his personal ascent to
power? I suspect that personal ambition in conjunction with the
considerations noted above played a role in Marshall's actions. He
did not become Solicitor General and a Supreme Court Justice purely on
the basis of his skills as an attorney. He (like everyone else who
attains high appointive office) obtained these posts after having
first demonstrated his reliability to those in a position to offer
such positions. The FBI files recently released will probably offer
useful hints as to what reliability
meant for blacks in
leadership positions in the civil rights establishment in the 1950s
and 1960s.
I admired Justice Marshall when I worked for him. I admire him now. From all that I presently know, he grappled intelligently and honorably with the dilemmas he faced during his eventful life. Of course, he was personally ambitious. Fortunately, that ambition was yoked to worthy ideals.