From worker-brc-news@lists.tao.ca Fri Dec 29 07:04:32 2000
Date: Thu, 28 Dec 2000 17:58:22 -0500
From: Lee Hubbard <superle@pacbell.net>
Reply-To: editor@villagevoice.com
Subject: [BRC-NEWS] Is Jesse for Sale?
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http://www.villagevoice.com/issues/0052/noel.shtml
Jackson-Watchers Claim Wall Street Contributors Arranged His Phone Call to Bush.
Downcast Wall Street investors whose fears had been focused on a
slowing economy demanded that Reverend Jesse Jackson curtail his
blistering attacks on George W. Bush. These financiers arranged the
controversial phone call that Jackson made to the
president-select
shortly after Al Gore conceded the race, key
business figures told the Voice.
Corporate moguls contribute heavily to Jackson’s Wall Street
Project, an economic-development program intended to persuade New
York’s financial leaders to steer big-business bucks to minority
communities and entrepreneurs. The Project is, in fact, the Wall
Street office of Jackson’s Rainbow-PUSH Coalition. These guys
on Wall Street aren’t Democrats or
Republicans—they’re capitalists,
says one investor.
When they saw the tide turning, some of Reverend Jackson’s
top contributors put a call in to him.
Jackson did not return Voice calls for comment.
Even before the U.S. Supreme Court had ruled in favor of Bush on the
night of December 12, Jackson was promising to take to the
streets
with a civil rights explosion.
Prior to his phone
call, Jackson had compared the Supreme Court’s ruling to the
1857 Dred Scott decision in which the Court declared that blacks,
slave or free, did not have the rights of citizens. After the Supreme
Court ruling, Jackson said he rejected Bush as the successor to
President Clinton with every bone in my body and every ounce of
moral strength in my soul.
He also said that to lose by racial
targeting is dishonorable.
With Wall Street having factored in a Bush victory, sources in the
financial community say, it was only a matter of time before major
movers and shakers muzzled Jackson and other Gore loyalists crying
thievery. These contributors told Reverend Jackson, ‘You
better hold this down because we won’t back you anymore if you
are adverse to the new administration in Washington,’
a
financial insider claims. They said, ‘We certainly
can’t give you the floor of the New York Stock Exchange and all
these other perks if you are out there taking shots at a president we
now have to lobby to get what we want.’ My understanding is that
they told Reverend Jackson, ‘You better call Bush.’
The source adds that one business figure also told Jackson he would
call Bush and tell him to take your call.
On December 14, Bush
took a call from the civil rights leader. They talked about healing
the nation and bringing it together,
according to a Bush
aide. Bush offered to meet with Jackson for further discussions on
election reform
in the aftermath of allegations that black voters
were unfairly treated in some Florida voting precincts. The next day,
Jackson, appearing on NBC’s Today show, said of Bush: It is
his burden to bring some closure to that [allegation] in some fair and
open way.
That Jackson could be pressured by Wall Street investors to scale down
his rhetoric intrigued a civic leader who is a close associate. Why
would Jesse make the call? Why would Bush accept the call?
he
asks. Without confirming that is exactly what happened, this Jackson
supporter adds, There must be somebody who is bigger than both of
them to put that together.
Some in the black activist community are steaming over Jackson’s
phone call. They use words like sellout
and race
merchant
and two-faced
to describe the nation’s
best-known civil rights activist. One even asked, Who’s
betraying Dr. Martin Luther King?
Jackson, one incensed black
leader declares, believes that the civil rights movement marches to
his dictates.
None of the Congressional Black Caucus members or any civil rights
leaders contacted by the Voice was aware that Jackson had planned to
talk to Bush. Asserts one exasperated politician: He didn’t
touch base with anyone.
A source says that Florida congresswoman
Corrine Brown was particularly outraged by Jackson’s shameful
turnaround,
which seemed to dampen anti-Bush sentiments built up
during the postelection crisis. Brown and Jackson had filed a lawsuit
claiming that blacks in Duval County were denied the right to vote
because they didn’t have registration or photo-ID cards, and
were not permitted to present other forms of identification allowed
under state law. She didn’t know that he was going to make
the call,
the source insists. Just out of nowhere he makes
this call. Why? He had to protect his own interest.
What would Al Sharpton do if Bush calls him? I would not meet with
Bush alone,
says the leader of the Harlem-based National Action
Network. There has to be an agenda that the black collective agrees
with. Clearly, I’m not looking to be part of the Bush
administration.
The black nationalist community, traditional Jackson foes, is abuzz
with condemnations of what it views as Jackson’s latest
political perfidy. He is a continuing embarrassment to the
race,
declares Louis Clayton Jones, publisher and editor of the
Atlanta-based Cyberdrum, complaining in a recent e-mail to Elombe
Brath, leader of the Patrice Lumumba Coalition headquartered in
Harlem. Don’t be surprised if Bush appoints him to some
meaningless post in his administration.
Jones, an attorney who was once an influential figure in New York City
black activist politics, is a former ally of Jackson. I have been
in the streets with Jesse,
he recalls. I have represented Jesse
in the courts of the City of New York. I have watched Jesse sabotage
grassroots attempts to bring equity in hiring practices to the masses
of New York City. I know, firsthand, what Jesse will do when faced
with a choice between principle and personal gain.
No one, adds
Jones, should be surprised that Jackson suddenly has warmed to Bush.
It is important to understand that Jesse Jackson is both shameless
and heartless,
Jones tells Brath in their Internet colloquy.
Johnnie P. Ware, a contributor to Cyberdrum, argues that Jackson had
no choice but to pick up the phone when ordered to fall in line by his
financial backers. The Detroit-based community activist points to
Jackson’s membership in the Council on Foreign Relations, an
establishment political group that is a favorite target of conspiracy
theorists. As a member of the Council on Foreign Relations,
Ware notes, Jesse seems to have been assigned the job of keeping
the rabble in line: Don’t let them riot, don’t let them
form groups that might bring about change, don’t let them
challenge the system, and above all, don’t let them choose their
own leaders—be their leader whether they like it not. Jackson is
allowed to say anything [he wants] about whites, without fear of
reprisal, as long as he controls the black community. That’s his
job.
There is another phone call that Jesse Jackson is being advised to make: To Al Sharpton. Relations between the on-again, off-again friends sank to a new low in October after the Burger King Corporation enlisted Jackson to help derail Sharpton’s call for a boycott of the world’s No. 2 fast-food chain. The Jackson-Sharpton feud was first reported by the Voice.
Sharpton has been backing black Detroit businessman La-Van Hawkins in a dispute with Burger King. In April, Hawkins’s Urban City Foods sued Burger King in federal court, accusing the company of fraud and reneging on a deal to let Hawkins open 225 restaurants within five years. Hawkins alleged that Burger King treated him like a pawn, courting him because of his race and then using it against him to squelch his dream of owning a string of Burger Kings in underserved communities. Burger King argued it never made such promises and countersued, seeking more than $6.5 million it says Hawkins owes on a 1998 loan. (On December 15, a federal judge ruled that Burger King did not break any promises to Hawkins, setting the stage for the chain’s bid to revoke his existing franchises.)
Sharpton initially threatened a nationwide boycott, but later relented
and said it would begin on a city-by-city basis. In October, he called
for a boycott of the fast-food chain in New York City, which has only
one black franchise owner. Last month, according to The New Republic,
Jackson sent Sharpton a stiff letter warning that a boycott might
be counterproductive, since it could harm the ’more than 100
black-and brown-owned franchises, employing more than 8000 people.
But the magazine cites Sharpton allies
who point out that
Burger King has backed Jackson’s Rainbow-PUSH Coalition for
nearly 20 years.
Burger King estimates it has given
Jackson’s group roughly $500,000,
but Jackson puts the
figure at approximately $125,000,
the magazine reported.
Sharpton supporters say that the quarrel is a wake-up call to Jackson,
who, as he gains establishment approval, may be moving toward an elder
statesman role. I expect that sooner or later he is going to
call,
an aide to Sharpton bristles. I don’t know what he
is going to say. I know that Reverend Sharpton might tell Reverend
Jackson he’ll do what he and others had trained him to do: Fight
injustice.
Feelings of ill will, however, escalated in Florida, where the two
civil rights giants almost clashed in turf warfare. Sharpton went to
Miami-Dade County, where his National Action Network got the jump on
Jackson and sued Florida secretary of state Katherine Harris and
George W. Bush, alleging that the two Republicans interfered with the
rights of Florida’s minority voters. According to the suit,
filed on behalf of three Miami residents, Harris and the state
elections board disenfranchised
minority voters by certifying
Bush as the winner before Miami-Dade County could complete a manual
recount of presidential ballots.
Jackson sued in Duval County. In the battle of one-up politics,
Sharpton aligned himself with former Washington, D.C., mayor Marion
Barry and called on African Americans to form a human prayer
chain
around the U.S. Supreme Court building. Jackson later
initiated a march on the Department of Justice that wound up at the
Supreme Court.
There were two separate marches—one led by Jackson, one led
by Sharpton,
says a political observer. The jockeying was so
obvious that Florida legislators such as Congresswoman Carrie Meeks
tried to get the factions to meet in Miami to settle their
differences. But Jackson refused to go,
says a Sharpton
aide. When Congresswoman Corrine Brown, a Jackson ally, called
Sharpton’s camp seeking a meeting, a Sharpton aide said
Jackson’s lawyers should call Sharpton’s lawyers. The
call never came,
the aide says. This is definitely the
worst. They have never been to the point of not communicating with
each other. This Burger King disagreement seems to have permanently
widened the Jackson-Sharpton rift.
Sharpton aides anticipate a showdown if Jackson attends a black
leadership conference on January 4 in Washington. Again, black
leaders may have to contend with dueling marches. Says the aide:
Reverend Sharpton’s march is high on the agenda, and we
understand that some of the leaders are going to oppose it. Oh, there
definitely is going to be a fight. We’re gonna have a showdown
on how we intend to deal with the Bush years, on whether we’re
gonna roll over or fight. And fight we will on January 20.
Jackson says protests against the chaos and the debacle in
Florida
will be held on January 15, the legal holiday celebrating
the birthday of Martin Luther King. Sharpton plans to rain on George
W. Bush’s coronation with a shadow inauguration
on
January 20.
Critics claim that Jackson really wants to attend the inauguration,
adding that he chose King Day to cover his tracks because he does not
want to appear to be disruptive. On January 20, it’s gonna
look like he is not with the people,
a Sharpton aide
speculates. He is definitely not trying to heed his own advice to
’stay out the Bushes.’
Reverend William Jones, former
national chair of Operation Breadbasket, an economic-pressure arm of
Dr. King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference during the
’60s—who knows Jackson better than many of his
detractors—was once quoted as saying: In many ways Jesse
reminds me of a pilot in search of a landing field who is unable to
locate one.
But an activist who is familiar with Reverend
Jones’s quote put this spin on it: Jesse Jackson is like an
airplane with no airport to land in. No one will give him clearance,
and he is low on fuel.